Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and the "lack of evidence"

Supporters of Malik Ishaq who sits in a vehicle, a leader of the banned Sunni Muslim extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, receive their leader upon his release outside a jail in Lahore, Pakistan on Thursday, July 14, 2011. –AP Photo

LASHKAR-E-JHANGVI AND THE "LACK OF EVIDENCE"

We are ready to lay down lives (jaan bhee hazir hai) for the honour of the companions of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), Lashkar-e-Jhangvi leader Malik Ishaq said after he was freed from jail amid Kalashnikov-wielding supporters on a Land Cruiser motorcade. He did not specify whose lives he was talking about. But the Shia know.

The influential co-founder of a Sipah-e-Sahaba breakaway group now linked with al Qaeda and the Taliban received a stipend from the Punjab government while he was in jail, and like other key terror suspects, was allowed to use a mobile phone.

Malik Ishaq had told an Urdu daily in October 1997 that he was involved in the killing of 102 people. He was arrested the same year, and eventually charged with 70 of those murders in 44 different cases, including the attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in March 2009. Last week, the Supreme Court released him because of “lack of evidence”.

Among those who fear the consequences is Fida Hussain Ghalvi, a key witness in a case in which Malik Ishaq was accused of killing 12 members of a Shia family during a Majlis in 1997. When Ghalvi and three other men identified Ishaq, he told them in front of a judge that “dead men can’t talk”. Five witnesses and three of their relatives were killed during the trial. Malik Ishaq was acquitted because of “lack of evidence”.

But that is just the tip of the iceberg. A more remarkable case involving the anti-Shia leader from southern Punjab was the bombing of an Iranian culture centre in Multan, also in 1997. Eight people were killed. When investigating officer Ijaz Shafi persuaded two witnesses to appear in court, his car was sprayed with 13 bullets. Anti-Terrorism Court judge Bashir Ahmed Bhatti convicted Ishaq but the Supreme Court overturned the conviction in 2006 because of “lack of evidence”.

In March 2007, the same judge, scheduled to hear another case against Malik Ishaq, was on his way to the court when a remote-controlled bicycle bomb exploded near his car, killing his driver and two policemen. Ishaq was charged with planning the bombing. Two years later, the prosecution’s witnesses suddenly turned hostile. Ishaq was acquitted in April 2009, because of “lack of evidence”.

In that context, it is very surprising that one of the Supreme Court judges who released Malik Ishaq on bail last week scolded the prosecution and said the case was weak. The same judge, Justice Asif Saeed Khosa, was part of a Lahore Hight Court bench that had asked the police to close down cases of hate speech and incitement to violence, against Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed. The bench would simply not accept that Jamaatud Dawa was another name for Lashkar-e-Taiba, because the new name was not present on a certain list.

Malik Ishaq praised the Supreme Court after his release and said justice had been done. And that is ironic. Why do these people refer to the modern secular notions of law and justice when they do not believe in them? Because that is what gives them a decisive advantage. They have access to multiple epistemic devices. They can identify and exploit weak spots in our legal structure from outside, while simultaneously carrying out practices that are only justified in their own context. And that is why they are winning.

The state and its judiciary, on the other hand, insist on upholding the singular letter of law. They believe that is justice. But justice must question itself. Why should we abide by laws when dealing with people who simply do not believe in those laws? Why should we allow them the privileges of our legal system when they are fighting to replace it with their own?

Harris Bin Munawar is a media and culture critic and a news editor at The Friday Times.

ISLAMIC CHARITY OFFICIALS GAVE MILLIONS TO AL-QAEDA SAYS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

ISLAMIC CHARITY OFFICIALS GAVE MILLIONS TO AL-QAEDA, SAYS UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

WASHINGTON: When Qatar’s royal family was looking for advice on charitable giving, it turned to a well-regarded professor named Abd al-Rahman al-Nu’aymi. The 59 years old educator had a stellar resume that included extensive fundraising experience and years of work with international human rights groups.

But one apparent accomplishment was omitted from the list: According to U.S. officials, Nu’aymi also was working secretly as a financier for al-Qaeda, funnelling millions of dollars to the terrorist group’s affiliates in Syria and Iraq even as he led campaigns in Europe for greater freedoms for Muslims, said a report published in Washington Post.

Nu’aymi was one of two men identified by Treasury Department officials last week as major financial backers of al-Qaeda and its regional chapters across the Middle East. Although U.S. officials routinely announce steps to disrupt terrorist financing networks, the individuals named in the latest case are far from ordinary: Both men have served as advisers to government-backed foundations in Qatar and have held high-profile positions with international human rights groups.

The second man, a Yemeni, drew part of his salary from U.N. funds underwritten by U.S. taxpayers.

Their alleged dual roles promoting humanitarian causes and civil rights while simultaneously supporting extremist groups reflect a growing challenge faced by counter-terrorism officials attempting to monitor the torrents of cash flowing to Islamist rebel groups in Syria, current and former U.S. officials say.

“Individuals with one foot in the legitimate world and another in the realm of terrorist financing provide al-Qaeda with a cloak of legitimacy,” said Juan Zarate, a former Treasury official and author of “Treasury’s Wars,” a book that describes U.S. efforts to penetrate terrorist financial networks.

Zarate said such cases greatly complicate the “financial diplomacy” involved in attempting to disrupt terrorist support networks, especially private funding from wealthy Persian Gulf donors seeking to help Syria’s rebels.

Despite attempts by gulf states to crack down on jihadist financial networks, former and current U.S. officials have described a surge in private support for Islamist extremists in Syria, particularly in Qatar and Kuwait.

The Obama administration has repeatedly urged both countries to rein in private donations to jihadists, while acknowledging that new tactics, including the widespread use of Twitter and social media, make fundraising more difficult to track.

“It is essential for countries to take proactive steps to disrupt terrorist financing, especially where al-Qaeda and its affiliates are concerned,” David S. Cohen, the Treasury Department’s undersecretary for terrorism and financial intelligence, said in announcing financial constrictions against Nu’aymi and the Yemeni national, Abd al-Wahhab al-Humayqani.

Cohen said the Obama administration would continue to work with the Persian Gulf region’s capitals to “ensure that charitable donations are not used to support violence.”

The administration’s action last week named both men as “specially designated global terrorists,” a determination that allows U.S. officials to freeze their financial assets and bar American citizens and companies from doing business with them.

Treasury Department documents said both men used their charity work to conceal efforts to raise millions of dollars for al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups from Syria to the Horn of Africa.

The naming of the two officials raised eyebrows in Qatar and Yemen, where supporters viewed the allegations as politically motivated. Both men have been prominent critics of U.S. counter-­terrorism policies, particularly the use of drone strikes against terrorism suspects.

Nu’aymi, a Qatar University professor and former president of the Qatar Football Association, was a founding member of a prominent charity — the Sheikh Eid bin Mohammad al-Thani Charitable Foundation — named for a member of the country’s ruling family.

In recent years, Nu’aymi had gained renown as an international activist, serving as president of Alkarama, a Geneva-based human rights organization that works closely with the United Nations and major international activist groups to advocate for Muslims’ civil rights.

Alkarama lobbies on behalf of Islamist detainees around the world, and it accuses Western and Arab governments of suppressing the rights of political groups that promote Islamic rule for the Middle East. Some of the group’s former clients are linked to Islamist militias seeking to overthrow Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Humayqani is an Alkarama founding member and one time adviser to Qatar on charitable giving, according to his résumé. He is a founding member of Yemen’s conservative Rashad Union party and has served on the country’s National Dialogue Conference, a group established in the wake of the Arab Spring uprising to advise the government on political and economic reforms. As a council member, he has sometimes received a daily stipend from a Yemeni fund underwritten by U.N. financial contributions.

Nu’aymi, in a response posted on Twitter last week, said the U.S. allegations were a retaliation for his criticism of American policies, including drone strikes in Yemen and U.S. support for the recent overthrow of Egypt’s democratically elected government. He said the U.S. claims about his fundraising work were “far from the truth.”

Humayqani was travelling and could not be reached for comment. A statement released by his Rashad Union party condemned what it called “false accusations” by the United States and urged Yemen’s government to rally to his defense.

The allegations against Nu’aymi come at a time of increasing U.S. concern about the role of Qatari individuals and charities in supporting extreme elements within Syria’s rebel alliance.

One charity, Madid Ahl al-Sham, was cited by Jabhat al-Nusra in August as one of the preferred conduits for donations intended for the group, which has pledged loyalty to al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri.

THREE DEAD IN SUICIDE BLAST NEAR RAWALPINDI IMAMBARGAH

THREE DEAD IN SUICIDE BLAST NEAR RAWALPINDI IMAMBARGAH

RAWALPINDI: A powerful blast outside an Imambargah situated in the heavily guarded Gracey Lines area killed three people, including two policemen and left 14 injured.

According to News, policemen spotted a suspicious looking individual on a motorcycle in the parking lot of the Imambargah near the Nur Khan Air Base. The attacker blew himself up when the policemen tried to tackle him.

About 700 people were attending a majlis at the time of the attack. As a result three people, including a SHO lost their lives. The dead and the injured were taken to the Benazir Bhutto Hospital and District Headquarters Hospital.

“We have three bodies and 14 wounded people at our hospital,” Asif Qadir Mir, chief of the local government hospital, told AFP. The blast was heard far away. Police and military personnel cordoned off the area and all roads leading to Gracy Lane were closed to traffic.

Khalid Mehmood, the driver of a police van who was on duty at the Imambagah, said a man parked his motorcycle by the roadside and started walking towards the Imambargah. When Sub-Inspector Amanat Ali and other policemen asked him to stop for search, he detonated the bomb.

City Police Officer Akhtar Umar Lalika told that it was a suicide attack. The bomber blew himself up when he was intercepted by policemen outside the Imambargah. Several bikes and cars parked outside the Imambargah were damaged.

According to bomb disposal experts, four to five pounds of high explosives, laced with ball-bearings, were used in the attack. The head and legs were believed to be of the bomber. Black clothes and a green jacket were retrieved from the scene.

A damaged pistol, wooden butt of a rifle and four spent bullet casings were also found. However, it could not be ascertained whether the pistol belonged to the suicide bomber or police.

Majlis-i-Wahadat-Muslameen (MWM), Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Fiqh-i-Jafaria condemned the attack and said that the government has failed to curb sectarian violence in the country.

There has been a rise in sectarian violence in Pakistan after several deadly clashes between Sunni and Shia Muslim groups near Islamabad in November. Allama Nasir Abbas, a Shia cleric, was killed late Sunday in Lahore, the capital of Punjab province, after addressing a religious gathering.

On November 19, gunmen killed a senior Shia university director along with his driver in Lahore, while another Shia leader and his guard were killed in Karachi in early December. Three days later, Shamsur Rehman Muawiya, chief of the Sunni organisation Ahl-e-Sunnat Wal Jammat for Punjab province, was killed in Lahore.

Pakistan is rife with sectarian clashes, with Sunni militant groups linked to Al Qaeda and the Taliban often attacking gatherings by Shias, who constitute some 20 per cent of the country's population.

US DRONE STRIKE IN NORTH WAZIRISTAN PAKISTAN LEAVES THREE DEAD

MIRAMSHAH: Three suspected militants were killed in a US drone strike in Miramshah bazaar in the North Waziristan Pakistan tribal region late at Wednesday night 30-10-2013.

Sources said three people were also injured and that the number of casualties was likely to increase.

This is the first drone strike following Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif's visit to the United States and his meeting with US President Barack Obama.

Official intelligence sources said the drone fired two missiles on a compound in the Zafar Town area near Miramshah bazaar, the agency Headquarters of the North Waziristan tribal region.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif during his visit to the US last week had called upon President Obama to end drone strikes on Pakistani Territory but the US has reportedly made no commitment to end the operation.

US drone strikes in Pakistan and Yemen increased dramatically after Obama took office in 2009, and the pilot-less aerial vehicles became a key part of the fight against Al-Qaeda. More recently the number of strikes has lowered.