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Wednesday, 29 July 2015

Those who kill: Profiles of Pakistan's terror outfits

THOSE WHO KILL: PROFILES OF PAKISTAN'S TERROR OUTFITS
Journalist Hasan Abdullah's Consortium of Terror published earlier this year, and updated below, serves as a primer to the complex world of militancy in Pakistan.

Despite hundreds of attacks and the deaths of thousands of Pakistanis, there is still a great deal of confusion about the number, nature and end goals of the militant organisations operating in Pakistan. For some, they remain figments of a fevered imagination. To others they are proxies of foreign powers. This belief has not come out of the blue. It is part of an obscurantist narrative the state itself created and propagated.
The problem with this narrative is that while it may have delegitimised some jihadi groups within public ranks, it is counter productive in the long run for a number of reasons. As Pakistan debates engaging the militants in the tribal areas and beyond, it is imperative that the policy-makers as well as the public understand the militant groups and their interrelations.

The big four

It is difficult to draw hard lines around these groups, as there is a great deal of cooperation and inter-linkage. Sometimes, for operational and propaganda reasons, a Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) attack on Shias will be claimed by the Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) and so on. This also helps maintain the fiction that these groups are somehow entirely distinct entities.

Al Qaeda (AQ)

AQ is not just a conventional group but the fountainhead of a violent ideology. The organisation was founded at the end of the 1980s by Osama bin Laden while he was in Afghanistan/Pakistan waging war against the Soviets. According to Al Qaeda literature, the organisation’s ultimate goal is to establish a hardline global caliphate. It seeks to fight America and her “apostate” allies in the Muslim world.
While the organisation maintains a relatively low profile in Pakistan, it is behind much of the coordination between different jihadi groups in a bid to “channelise” and “streamline” the effort. In contrast with many other jihadi groups, the overwhelming majority of their cadres in Pakistan are university graduates hailing from well-off urban families.
Al Qaeda regards Pakistan as a “Daar-ul-Kufr wal harb” (abode of disbelief and war). It classifies the rulers as “apostates” against whom it is obligatory to rebel and fight. Al Qaeda considers Shias as disbelievers “in the garb of Islam”. As such, the militant organisation considers it permissible to shed the blood of Shia Muslims and confiscate their wealth. However on strategic grounds, the Al Qaeda chief has advised the operatives not to engage minority groups anywhere in a confrontation unless “absolutely required” such as in Syria and Iraq. The organisation rejects the concept of nation-states. It seeks to expand the theatre of war, topple governments in Muslim countries and form a global caliphate.

Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan

Formally launched in 2007, the TTP is effectively Al Qaeda’s local franchise in Pakistan. Among anti-state jihadi groups here, TTP maintains the strongest footprint with operatives all over the country. Its stated objective is to turn Pakistan into an “Islamic state”.
Up till its recent splintering, The group regarded the leader of the Afghan Taliban, Mullah Umar, as its supreme leader. As with Al Qaeda, the TTP regards Pakistan as a “Daar-ul-Kufr wal harb” (abode of disbelief and war) and considers its rulers apostates.
While the TTP also considers Shia Muslims to be apostates, there is currently a debate within the organisation on whether a front should be opened against them. The TTP is also increasingly looking at global operations, most recently with top TTP leaders forming splinter group TTP Jamaatul Ahrar; the group has openly pledged their allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU)

The IMU was founded by Tahir Yuldashev and Jumma Kasimov (both Uzbeks) in 1991. The two had earlier fought in Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion of the country. The initial objective of the organisation was to topple Islam Karimov’s regime in Uzbekistan and to establish an “Islamic state” in the country. They also fought alongside the Taliban against the Northern Alliance.
Kasimov died in the fighting while Yuldashev, along with his fighters, managed to escape into Pakistan’s tribal areas during the 2001 US invasion of Afghanistan. IMU maintains strong contacts with Al Qaeda and Afghan Taliban as well as the TTP. For now, its focus remains on strengthening the group as it prepares for the war in Central Asia.

Lashkar-i-Jhangvi

An offshoot of the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP), the virulently sectarian LJ was formed in 1996. Its founders Riaz Basra, Akram Lahori and Malik Ishaq had differences with the SSP and believed that the parent organisation had drifted from its original ideals.
LJ’s primary targets are Shia Muslims and it has indiscriminately targeted them through both assassination and mass casualty attacks. The LJ has killed thousands of people, including many women and children. Its largest attacks to date have been against the Shia Hazaras of Quetta. LJ leaders say their aim is to turn Pakistan into a Sunni Islamic state and consider it a “priority” to target Shia Muslims. The group also seeks to establish stronger ties with anti-Iran groups operating in the region.

Splinters, subdivisions and shadow groups

The lines blur when it comes to differentiating between militant groups in Pakistan. They share space, tactics and resources and sometimes, subdivisions are created for specific purposes and for creating confusion in the public’s minds.


TTP Jamaat ul Ahrar

On August 26, 2014, key commanders belonging to the TTP announced the formation of a new group by the name of TTP Jamatul Ahrar, with Maulana Qasim Khorasani as the new Ameer and also comprising other commanders. The new group comprises of members from four of the seven tribal districts bordering Pakistan and Afghanistan, namely Mohmand, Bajaur, Khyber and Orakzai.
Former TTP spokesperson Ehsanullah Ehsan, who has been nominated as the spokesman for the splinter group says the new group only wants the Shariah system to prevail in the country. At least 60 people were killed on Sunday November 2, 2014 in a blast near the Wagah border, the responsibility of which was claimed separately by the outlawed Jundullah and TTP-affiliated Jamaat-ul-Ahrar outfits.

Ahrar ul Hind

The group's name literally means freedom fighters of India (referring to the Indian subcontinent as a whole). According to a commander of a Taliban group, the group derived its name of “Ahrar” from Majlis-i-Ahrar-ul-Islam, because the Ahraris were against the formation of Pakistan, and they believed that the entire subcontinent was their homeland.
The commander said that the group planned to expand their operations to the remaining part of the subcontinent.

Ansar al-Aseer

A North Waziristan based group primarily concerned with the “welfare” of locked-up jihadis. Its tasks include intelligence gathering about Pakistani jails and planning jailbreaks to release militants. It is closely allied to TTP and draws many of its fighters from TTP and IMU. Its basic agenda is to free all militants locked up in jails across the country.

Lashkar-i-Khorasan

Al Qaeda allied group with a single point agenda to track down and eliminate “spies” in North Waziristan.

Ansar al-Mujahideen

A small organisation affiliated with the TTP. Its primary focus is targeting armed forces personnel and politicians.
As with AQ and TTP, Ansar al-Mujahideen aims to turn Pakistan into an “Islamic State” and use the state to launch “jihad” against other belligerent states.

Jandullah

Al Qaeda affiliated group that started off from South Waziristan. It gained most notoriety for its assassination attempt on the then Corps Commander Karachi Lt Gen Ahsan Saleem Hayat. The outfit has also targeted Shia Muslims and foreign tourists.
Not to be confused with Iran-based Jundullah.

Ghazi Force

A group formed after the Lal Masjid operation in Islamabad. It is named after Maulana Abdul Rasheed Ghazi, the former Lal Masjid cleric who was also killed in the operation. Most of its members are relatives and friends of the people killed in the 2007 operation.
This group has practically merged with the TTP. Some of its members and sympathisers in and around Islamabad are known to provide intelligence and a footprint in the capital. Members of the group consider it a priority to target former president Pervez Musharraf.

The ‘Other’ Militants

Then there are those jihadi groups who, for one reason or another, have historically been classified as ‘good’ militants by the state. Part of the reason for this is that these groups do not prioritise targeting the Pakistani state and instead turn their energies outwards. However, there is evidence that militants from their ranks can and at times do join other organisations, such as the TTP, AQ and LJ.
They also share ideological commonalities with those groups and in some cases even share resources and physical space.

Lashkar-e-Taiba

Formed in the early 90s in Afghanistan, the group has been primarily operating in Indian-held Kashmir. It seeks to “liberate” the people of Kashmir from “Indian oppression” and establish an Islamic state” in the region.
It sees India, the United States and Israel as eternal enemies of Islam and boasts about defeating them through armed struggle. Hafiz Muhammad Saeed, the head of Jamat-ud-Dawa denies that his charity is simply a cover for the banned militant outfit. However the lower cadre not only acknowledges their connection with LeT but proudly boast about their operations in India. In line with their particular brand of Salafism, the organisation is strongly opposed to rebellion against the Pakistani state.
Members of the group say they are bracing themselves for the Ghazwa-i-Hind a grand war in which Muslims will regain control of India, they claim.

Jaish-e-Muhammad (JeM)

Jaish-e-Muhammad was formed in 2000 by Maulana Masood Azhar. Shortly after its inception, it effectively swallowed a previously existing but now largely defunct Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM). Its primary goal is to “liberate” Kashmir from Indian rule and it has carried out various attacks on Indian interests including the 2001 attack on Indian parliament.
The group was banned by then President Pervez Musharraf and rebranded itself as Khuddam-ul-Islam. It continues to engage in open fundraising outside many Pakistani mosques on Fridays.

Tehreek Ghalba-i-Islam

The group emerged as an offshoot of Jaish-e-Muhammad after serious differences emerged between various commanders. TGI is led by Commander Abdul Jabbar and operates primarily in Afghanistan. Publicly, the organisation opposes rebellion against the Pakistani state. It stresses on its cadre to focus on Afghanistan.

Jaish al-Adal

The group has recently emerged in parts of Balochistan bordering Iran. It has targeted Shia Muslims and claims to be countering Iranian interference in Pakistan. The group also seeks to extend the theatre of war into Iran.

Hafiz Gul Bahadur Group

He is one of the most influential figures in North Waziristan but at the same time, maintains a very low profile. Bahadur is politically affiliated with Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman’s Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam. Hafiz Gul Bahadur have been very secretive about their plans. In public, they have always maintained focus on “liberating” Afghanistan and re-establishing Taliban rule. He is considered a pragmatic figure who knows how to consolidate his position. He has successfully managed his relations with both the military and the TTP.
He has never made his position on the Pakistani state public. However one of his most prominent commanders, who has since been killed in a US drone strike, gave an hour-long interview to Al Qaeda’s media wing As Sahab in 2009. In the interview he made it clear that he did not have any differences with Al Qaeda or the TTP and that they were his “brothers”. He had also said that his men would fight against the Pakistan army if it sided with the Americans.

Haqqani Network

This setup operates primarily in the Eastern Afghan provinces of Khost and Paktika even though it has carried out “daring” attacks in Kabul. The network has also attempted to assassinate Afghan President Hamid Karzai. The group is currently headed by Sirajuddin Haqqani, one of the sons of veteran Afghan jihadi commander Jalaluddin Haqqani. He is one of the most powerful commanders in the region and maintains good relations with Al Qaeda and the TTP.
The group has been silent on their view of the Pakistani state, however when questioned about the TTP, Sirajuddin Haqqani is on record as saying that he does not have differences with his “brothers”. Their future plans focus on the reinstatement of the Taliban government in Afghanistan.

Sipah-i-Muhammad Pakistan

The group was formed in the 90s in response to the anti-Shia violence perpetuated by Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan (SSP). It maintains a very low profile and seeks to primarily target leaders of anti-Shia militant organisations such as SSP and LJ. Its leader Syed Ghulam Raza Naqvi has been in prison since the mid-90s. Pakistani intelligence agencies claim the group is backed by Iran in a bid to extend its influence in the region.

Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and the "lack of evidence"

Supporters of Malik Ishaq who sits in a vehicle, a leader of the banned Sunni Muslim extremist group Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, receive their leader upon his release outside a jail in Lahore, Pakistan on Thursday, July 14, 2011. –AP Photo


LASHKAR-E-JHANGVI AND THE "LACK OF EVIDENCE"
We are ready to lay down lives (jaan bhee hazir hai) for the honour of the companions of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), Lashkar-e-Jhangvi leader Malik Ishaq said after he was freed from jail amid Kalashnikov-wielding supporters on a Land Cruiser motorcade. He did not specify whose lives he was talking about. But the Shia know.

The influential co-founder of a Sipah-e-Sahaba breakaway group now linked with al Qaeda and the Taliban received a stipend from the Punjab government while he was in jail, and like other key terror suspects, was allowed to use a mobile phone.

Malik Ishaq had told an Urdu daily in October 1997 that he was involved in the killing of 102 people. He was arrested the same year, and eventually charged with 70 of those murders in 44 different cases, including the attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in March 2009. Last week, the Supreme Court released him because of “lack of evidence”.

Among those who fear the consequences is Fida Hussain Ghalvi, a key witness in a case in which Malik Ishaq was accused of killing 12 members of a Shia family during a Majlis in 1997. When Ghalvi and three other men identified Ishaq, he told them in front of a judge that “dead men can’t talk”. Five witnesses and three of their relatives were killed during the trial. Malik Ishaq was acquitted because of “lack of evidence”.

But that is just the tip of the iceberg. A more remarkable case involving the anti-Shia leader from southern Punjab was the bombing of an Iranian culture centre in Multan, also in 1997. Eight people were killed. When investigating officer Ijaz Shafi persuaded two witnesses to appear in court, his car was sprayed with 13 bullets. Anti-Terrorism Court judge Bashir Ahmed Bhatti convicted Ishaq but the Supreme Court overturned the conviction in 2006 because of “lack of evidence”.

In March 2007, the same judge, scheduled to hear another case against Malik Ishaq, was on his way to the court when a remote-controlled bicycle bomb exploded near his car, killing his driver and two policemen. Ishaq was charged with planning the bombing. Two years later, the prosecution’s witnesses suddenly turned hostile. Ishaq was acquitted in April 2009, because of “lack of evidence”.

In that context, it is very surprising that one of the Supreme Court judges who released Malik Ishaq on bail last week scolded the prosecution and said the case was weak. The same judge, Justice Asif Saeed Khosa, was part of a Lahore Hight Court bench that had asked the police to close down cases of hate speech and incitement to violence, against Jamaatud Dawa chief Hafiz Saeed. The bench would simply not accept that Jamaatud Dawa was another name for Lashkar-e-Taiba, because the new name was not present on a certain list.

Malik Ishaq praised the Supreme Court after his release and said justice had been done. And that is ironic. Why do these people refer to the modern secular notions of law and justice when they do not believe in them? Because that is what gives them a decisive advantage. They have access to multiple epistemic devices. They can identify and exploit weak spots in our legal structure from outside, while simultaneously carrying out practices that are only justified in their own context. And that is why they are winning.

The state and its judiciary, on the other hand, insist on upholding the singular letter of law. They believe that is justice. But justice must question itself. Why should we abide by laws when dealing with people who simply do not believe in those laws? Why should we allow them the privileges of our legal system when they are fighting to replace it with their own?


Harris Bin Munawar is a media and culture critic and a news editor at The Friday Times.

Punjabi Taliban give up ‘armed struggle’

PUNJABI TALIBAN GIVE UP ‘ARMED STRUGGLE’
PESHAWAR / LAHORE: Maulana Asmatullah Muawiya, head of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Punjab, said on Saturday that his group had decided to abandon its armed struggle in this country and instead would focus on “peaceful struggle” for the implementation of Sharia.

A statement purportedly issued by the Punjabi Taliban to media quoted Maulana Muawiya as saying that jihad would continue against the enemies of Islam. But it did not mention the region or country where the group would carry on its struggle against what it called anti-Islam forces.

“This decision was taken in the interest of Islam and Pakistan,” the statement said.

It added that the group had taken the decision after consultations with ulema and other elders and keeping in view the prevailing situation in the country. “This decision was inevitable for Islam and is in the interest of the people of Pakistan,” the statement quoted Maulana Muawiya as saying.

The term “Punjabi Taliban” is generally applied to distinguish Pakhtun and Afghan fighters from mainly Punjab-based Deobandi militants who are, or once were, involved in sectarian violence or focused on jihad in India-held Kashmir. According to analysts, sometimes the term is also loosely used to include the Urdu-speaking, Kashmiri and even Bengali fighters. Some groups which are part of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Punjab are closely linked to Al Qaeda, they say.

The term was first used exclusively for ethnic Punjabis associated with Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islam (HuJI), whose leader Qari Saifullah Akhtar went to support Afghan Taliban leader Mullah Omar’s government in Kabul during the mid-1990s. It, however, was used more commonly after retired General Pervez Musharraf banned some militant and sectarian groups which had a strong support base in Punjab. These factions had roots largely in the southern and western districts of the province.

The action by the government forced them to move to the tribal backyard of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to seek safe havens and establish new camps. The Punjabi Taliban are mostly former students of madressahs and maintain a political constituency across the country, according to a security analyst.

Maulana Muawiya had renounced violence a few months ago when the government started formal talks with the outlawed Tehreek Taliban Pakistan (TTP).

The TTP criticised the statement of Punjabi Taliban, declaring that he had been expelled from the group.

A native of Vehari, Muawiya is known to have close relationship with Al Qaeda and is considered an influential militant leader. Credited with the establishment of the TTP in Punjab, he is said to have remained a member of the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan and to have taken active part in the Kashmir and Afghanistan fighting as part of the Jaish-i-Mohammad before founding his own militant group, Janood-i-Hafsa, after the Musharraf government’s crackdown in Lal Masjid in July 2007.

Unlike other militant outfits, TT Punjab, which has affiliation with the Sajna group, a breakaway faction of TTP, had not been put on the list of proscribed organisations under the Anti-Terrorism Act.

The Saturday statement appealed to the government and militant outfits in Fata to come to the negotiating table, try to realise the sensitivity of the situation and foil the “growing conspiracies in our region”.

Asmatullah Muawiya called upon the government to take immediate steps for the rehabilitation of displaced persons in North Waziristan Agency and payment of adequate compensation.

He also appealed to the tribal people who have taken refuge in Afghanistan in the wake of military operation in the North Waziristan Agency to return home. He called upon the government at the same time to facilitate their return.
Published in Dawn, September 14th , 2014

Analysis: Pakistan's militant 'rehabilitation’ problem

Maulana Asmatullah Muawiya - AP/File

ANALYSIS: PAKISTAN'S MILITANT 'REHABILITATION’ PROBLEM
THE Islamabad High Court’s decision to suspend the detention of Zakiur Rahman Lakhvi, the alleged mastermind of the Mumbai attacks, does not mean the former senior commander of the Lashkar-e-Taiba will be a completely free man. In addition to the IHC’s decision of not allowing him to leave Islamabad, he is also bound, as a prominent member of a jihadi organisation, to adhere to the relevant sections of Pakistan’s anti-terror law (1997 amended 2002): most notably sections 11-E, -EE and -EEE. The onus for this lies on the government, but if past experience is any guide this is unlikely to happen.

In this regard, the most prominent recent case is that of Maulana Asmatullah Muawiya head of the Tehreek-i-Taliban Punjab who announced in September that he and his faction would no longer carry out attacks in Pakistan. A day after this was met with scepticism, Muawiya actually did follow through on his declaration and surrendered to military officials in Miramshah in North Waziristan.


The immediate reaction from our frenzied TV channels was remarkably understated; just a couple of lines on how this showed the success of the ongoing Zarb-i-Azb operation. Little was said on the background of the man in question, and almost nothing on the nature of the deal that led to Muawiya becoming one of the ‘good’ Taliban.

For that is exactly what he had become as a later Taliban video illustrated. It also explained how Muawiya would now devote his resources to fighting Nato forces in Afghanistan, as well as being involved in ‘Dawah and Tableegh’ in Pakistan. Security and legal experts point out that, even for an ordinary surrendering militant, these should have been impossible as the above-mentioned ATA sections describe how the government is supposed to deal with banned organisations and their members involved in acts of terrorism. For a start, as ‘security for good behaviour’, the names of such persons will be put on a list known as the fourth schedule.

During the period that they are on the list, the law states that the militants are prohibited from travelling outside their neighbourhood. In addition, they must not visit public places (a detailed list is provided) and must not participate in or even attend public meetings like Dawah and Tableegh. The law states that once a person’s name is placed on the schedule, it cannot be removed before sixty days, and that too if the government judges that the person has been rehabilitated. Generally, a name is not removed from the schedule before a period of 12 months.

Putting this in the context of Muawiya, it is a source of astonishment to those who have followed his career that the ATA limitations have not been prescribed for him. What was even more amazing was that no one stood up to question that having being rather generously pardoned Muawiya has been allowed to carry on his activities.

For Muawiya is no ordinary militant. Perhaps more than any other in recent times, he has been singularly responsible for the rise in militant violence in Pakistan in the aftermath of the Red Mosque siege. In particular, he is said to have laid the ideological ground for making the military and security forces the number one target for the militants.

From the GHQ attack, to Kamra, to the suicide bombing of ISI buses in Rawalpindi, the Manawan siege in Lahore and numerous targeted attacks on top security personnel, Muawiya’s name has been on the top of the list of those responsible. In addition, investigators point out that evidence collected in attacks on civilian targets, such as the Moon market attack in Lahore in 2009, also point to the involvement of the Punjabi Taliban.

Even if one accepts that Muawiya has truly renounced violence (which he hasn’t as he himself declared that anything outside Pakistan especially in India or Afghanistan was fair game in his surrender video) the fact that he was actively engaged in anti-Pakistan militant activities till September 2014 means his mindset is unlikely to have changed.

Letting an ideologue like Muawiya freely roam the country indulging in his brand of proselytising, a much watered-down version of which we have heard through Maulana Abdul Aziz, raises huge questions on the practical steps being taken to control militant leaders and facilitators. Such actions can only dent the credentials of those calling the Peshawar attacks a game-changer for the country.

According to the Punjab police, there are nearly 40,000 Taliban and sectarian militants active in the province. Only 2,000 of these have been placed on the fourth schedule; the reason many point out is the continuing close relation between many in the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s and the mainstay of extremism in the Punjab, the Ahle Sunnah Wal Jamaat formerly known as the Sipah-i-Sahaba Pakistan.

Recent events regarding the treatment of undertrial or detained high-profile militant leaders have once again illustrated this. Apart from Lakhvi’s case, there is the matter of Malik Ishaq, founder and head of Pakistan’s deadliest Lashkar-i-Jhangvi (LJ) militant group.

On Dec 23, a Lahore High Court bench held a review on his detention.

Malik Ishaq, who was been released in 2011 after being acquitted in dozens of murder cases pending against him, has only been in detention since March 2014. This is despite the fact that his release eerily coincides with the rise in sectarian and militant attacks by the feared LJ. While he was placed on the fourth schedule, the militant leader was easily able to move around and address public gatherings for two years before being detained.

With banned terrorist organisations repeatedly allowed to operate freely across the country with slightly altered names, the government needs to ensure that such outfits and their leaders feel the full force of the ATA’s strictest sections. It’s about time that the party ends for the militants. Period.
Published in Dawn, December 30th, 2014.

Lashkar-i-Jhangvi chief Malik Ishaq, two sons killed in Muzaffargarh 'encounter'

LASHKAR-I-JHANGVI CHIEF MALIK ISHAQ, TWO SONS KILLED IN MUZAFFARGARH 'ENCOUNTER'

LAHORE: Malik Ishaq, chief of banned sectarian outfit Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, his two sons Usman and Haq Nawaz, and 11 others were killed in an alleged exchange of fire with police personnel late on Tuesday night.

At least six policemen were injured in the alleged encounter.

Ishaq and his sons were arrested by the Counter-Terrorism Department a week ago. Following their latest arrest, the police had interrogated them and had subsequently taken them to Shahwala in Punjab's Muzaffargarh district to aid the police in recovering weapons and explosives, sources in the CTD said.

The encounter appears to have taken place as militants attacked security forces and tried to free Ishaq who was killed in the ensuing exchange of fire, security sources say.



A spokesman for CTD Multan said Ishaq, his two sons, one Ghulam Rasool Shah and two other accused, all from Lashkar-i-Jhangvi, were taken to Muzaffargarh by the counter-terrorism department to aid in the recovery of arms and explosives.

The spokesman said that when the police party was returning after making the recovery, it was attacked by some 12 to 15 gunmen who succeeded in freeing Ishaq, his sons and the other accused and fleeing away on motorcycles.

The militants were met with by SHO CTD police station who had quickly been informed about the attack on the police party and was travelling on the route that the militants had taken, the spokesman said, adding that that’s how the encounter ensued.

The SHO challenged the militants, resulting in the encounter in which six police personnel sustained injuries, the spokesman said. They were shifted to the district headquarters hospital.

The spokesman added that 14 militants, including Malik Ishaq and Ghulam Rasool Shah, were killed by the attackers themselves.

A large amount of weapons and ammunition was recovered from the attacking men and an investigation has been initiated into the events.

All bodies have been shifted to DHQ Muzaffargarh. The bodies of Ishaq and his sons will undergo a postmortem before being taken to Rahim Yar Khan, where he was based.

Lashkar-i-Jhangvi is regarded as the most extreme Sunni terror group in Pakistan and is accused of killing hundreds of Shias after its emergence in the early 1990s. The organisation is also said to have links with Al Qaeda.

The organisation was banned more than a decade ago by former president Pervez Musharraf.

Malik Ishaq, who is a leader of the feared organisation, has been implicated in dozens of cases, mostly murder.
He was arrested in 1997 and is implicated in dozens of cases. He was released on bail in July 2011 after serving a jail term of nearly 14 years.

Since his 2011 release he has been frequently put under house arrest as his sermons raised sectarian tensions. He was also arrested in 2013 over deadly sectarian attacks targeting the Hazara Shia community in Quetta. The first attack took place on Jan 10, 2013 targeting a Hazara snooker hall and killing 92 people and the second bomb attack occurred on Feb 16, killing 89 people. The attacks were claimed by Lashkar-i-Jhangvi.

Ishaq was also accused of masterminding, from behind bars, the 2009 attack on the Sri Lankan cricket team in Lahore, which wounded seven players and an assistant coach, and killed eight Pakistanis.

The attacks saw Pakistan stripped of its right to co-host the 2011 cricket World Cup and jeopardised the future of international cricket in the country.


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